WEST AFRICA CONJUNCTURE: Senegal, 2024
ABSTRACT
Three
West African countries namely, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau and Ghana, would engage
in democratic bourgeois elections in 2024. In Ghana and Guinea-Bissau, key
presidential elections are scheduled to be held in December 2024 while
Senegal’s presidential elections scheduled for February 2024 is on hold owing
to the executive’s interference in the process[1].
There
is no doubt as these three countries prepare to go to the polls, they have
differing political and economic challenges. Some of the political challenges
include police crackdown on protests and demonstrations related to arbitrary
overt attempts by some leaders to extend their stay in power through expansive
presidential power and term limits creating undue concerns about democratic
principles and the peaceful transition of power. On the economic front, hurdles range from
intractable debt traps to poor economic performance though each of the
countries is rich in natural resources and biodiversity. Again, the three
countries have vulnerable indigenous peoples such as Bassaris of Senegal and
Guinea as well Ghana whose democratic rights and access to universal adult
suffrage have to be protected.
This
current study carried between January 2023 and February 2024 focuses on Senegal
given that its presidential election is much more imminent. The study is in two
parts: Part One describes an outlook of Senegal in terms of the country’s
resources and control whilst Part Two presents various perspectives and
backgrounds to assist the reader appreciate the nuances driving the current
election and the likely outcomes. It adopts the desk study approach of
gathering data from existing resources and basic information comprising
pressers, researches conducted by other institutions, articles, news and
analyses, among other secondary data.
The
study shows that the mass of the citizenry strongly yearns and supports
youth-orientated, patriotic, anti-imperialist government that is able to
prioritize socio-economic development, provide an opportunity for rebuilding
social cohesion and particularly address the problems of youth unemployment,
corruption, economic inequality, terrorism and insecurity. Thus, as the masses,
particularly the youth strongly want a change of government (for Sonko-led
coalition to come to power); the ruling Benno Bokk Yaakaar (BBY)
coalition together with foreign interests want to maintain the Alliance Pour la
République (APR) and its candidate for the sake of policy continuity.
In
the 2022 legislative election for members of the National Assembly, the ruling
party lost several of its seats to the opposition ridding the former of its
absolute majority. Currently, the legislative assembly has shifted from a
supermajority for the ruling BBY Coalition to almost a parity with the
opposition parties’ coalition. In the same vein, the election at the municipal
level organized last year, 2023, saw massive loss of seats by the ruling BBY
coalition resulting in the opposition coalition controlling majority of the
seats in the main municipalities. The trend therefore portrays a positive shift
of change amongst the Senegalese social milieu who have demonstrated a sense of
hatred for Macky Sall’s administration and therefore ardently want Sall’s
government out of power.
The
trend notwithstanding, it was rather obvious that Macky Sall was at his game was
courting a third-term bid. This angered particularly the youth who incessantly
took to the streets to demonstrate against his government and the ruling
coalition. Being compelled to rescind his intention to stand for the third
term, Sall rather imposed Amadou Ba[2]
on his ruling coalition. Members of the opposition also complained that the
former socialist, Amadou Ba, who has now become an ardent student of the World
Bank and the IMF, would only perpetuate the work of his former boss, Macky
Sall, and indulge in looting of public resources when voted into power.
The
study also shows that Sall’s premeditated attacks on Sonko[3]
created so much turmoil and series of protests which led to several recorded
deaths, suppression of press freedoms and intolerance of opponents. The reason
for the demonstration and the blatant assaults on civilians who became critical
of Sall’s government arose from the perception that Sonko’s arrest was
politically motivated. In other words, Macky Sall and his government sought to
intimidate Ousmane Sonko from competing in the presidential elections. Even
independent observers maintained that Macky Sall’s administration has created a
pattern, since 2019, of charging leading opposition candidates with criminal
activity, thereby thwarting their candidacies[4].
Coupled
with these crises, Macky Sall’s government has not been able to address the
challenge of unemployment as well as the coastal flooding and inland drought
issues which have deprived about three-quarters of the workforce[5]
who depend largely on the availability of arable land for their
livelihood.
As
the presidential election draws nearer, several political parties have declared
their intention to run and contest for power come March 24th, 2024.
The country employs a two-round voting system which requires a winning
candidate to garner more than 50 percent of the vote. The Constitution and
Electoral Code mandate ‘…every candidate in an election who is presented by a
legally formed political party, a coalition of legally formed political
parties, or by a group of independent persons, must present a list of elector
signatures.’[6]
In
order for potential candidates or parties to get a bid to contest, each must
first clear a number of electoral hurdles, among which is the stage of
sponsorship[7].
At this stage, every candidate is required to obtain between at the least 0.8%
and one percent (1%) of the electorates’ signatures from seven (minimum) of the
country’s regions.
According
to media reports, before the deadline could be announced Senegal’s Caisse des
Dépôts et Consignations (the agency responsible for collecting deposits paid by
candidates), had already received seventy-nine applications from potential
candidates. Each of the 79 applicants had reportedly paid the required deposit
of 30 million FCFA. However, most of the applicants were subsequently
disqualified with the election authority raising issues of documents and
ineligibility of some candidates to contest. Eventually, only 20 candidates
were qualified to stay in the contest. According to reports of the
Constitutional Council, among the approved candidates are Prime Minister Amadou
Ba, former Dakar Mayor Khalifa Sall and former Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. Some
prominent candidates who were disqualified include vibrant opposition leader
Ousmane Sonko and Karim Wade, the son of former President Abdoulaye Wade.
The
chronology of incidents preceding the presidential elections also make
interesting reading. On 17 February 2023, Ousmane Sonko was apprehended while
at a rally and taken to stand trial at a courthouse in Dakar. It would be
recalled that Sonko’s arrest was due to a civil lawsuit against him by
Senegal's Tourism Minister for defamation and public insults. Following a
series of protests regarding Sonko's conviction, President Macky Sall indicated
that he would not seek re-election for a third term. On 14 July 2023 while
Sonko was announced as the presidential candidate for PASTEF, it was not clear
as to whether or not he would be eligible to contest since he had been
convicted of a two-year prison sentence in June 2023, a month earlier. While Sonko
was in the midst of appealing his conviction at the Supreme Court, his party-the
PASTEF- was also dissolved unjustly by the Sall’s government on 31 July 2023.
This unfortunate incident obviously presents a challenge to a free and fair
election.
President
Macky Sall went on to handpick Amadou Ba as candidate for the ruling Alliance
for the Republic Party (APR) in September 2023. Subsequently, in November 2023,
the PASTEF also nominated its Secretary-General
Bassirou Diomaye Faye to replace Sonko as the presidential candidate. In
January 2024, candidate Thierno Alassane Sall lodged a complaint against Karim
Wade of being dual French-Senegalese nationality. However, he was later cleared
by the French Government.
Although
Sall is due to leave office in April 2024, government indefinitely postponed
the election just a few weeks before the election. Government cited dispute
over qualified presidential candidates as its reason. The announcement provoked
protests in the country including chaos in the National Assembly and
aggravating political tensions in Senegal. The Supreme Court went on to rule
government’s decision as unconstitutional and asked a new date to be fixed as
soon as possible. The election is now scheduled to be held on 24th
March 2024.
SENEGAL IN SCOPE
Part
One
RESOURCE OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL
Senegal
has large reserves of iron ore, phosphate, gold, titanium, natural gas, fish,
and peanuts and produces gold, natural gas and construction materials in
significant amounts. The country’s major contributors to Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) are phosphate mining, petroleum refining, fertilizer production,
construction materials, agricultural and fish processing. Over the years,
French companies and micro-businesses have accounted for about a quarter of
Senegal's GDP. Despite the abundance of phosphates, gold and natural gas in
Senegal, control and ownership of these natural resources are predominantly in
the hands of multinational international companies predominantly French and a
few elite-owned local companies.
The
Sabodala-Massawa project is reportedly owned by Endeavor Mining with about 90%
stake and it is currently the largest producing gold mine in Senegal. Sabodala
has produced more than 2.6Moz of gold from the country since the year 2009. The
Mako Gold Mine, located in eastern Senegal, is also owned and operated by
Petowal Mining Company, which is a subsidiary of Resolute Mining. Other players
include AGEM IAMGOLD which has signed a 20-year concession with the government
to operate the Boto Gold Mine, located on the Senegal border with Mali. The
company has the capacity to produce an average of 130,000 ounces of gold
annually over an 11-year projected mine life-span[1].
FRANCE’S DOMINANCE AND CONTROL OF SENEGAL
France
continues to exude dominance over Senegal making it impossible for the latter
to be economically independent. The country, like any other former colony, is
solicited for instance to provide private funding to French politicians during
elections in France. It is important to note that prior to Senegal’s political
independence from France, the latter made a pact with the Leopold Senghor
government regarding the foregoing. This kind of suffocating legal agreement
has made it possible for France to exercise dominion and control over Senegal’s
resources and finance. The agreements include the following terms:
a) First
and foremost, the Pact set up the common currency which is the CFA Franc and it
demands that Senegal must deposit 65% of her
foreign exchange reserves and 20% for financial liabilities (making a total of
85%) in an “Operations Account” at the French Treasury in Paris.
b) Furthermore,
the agreement stipulates that France has original jurisdiction to buy or reject
any natural resources found in the land of Senegal.
c) In
the award of government or public contracts in Senegal, French companies should
be considered first, before any other company, even if the government can
obtain better value for the same with companies from other countries.
The
implications of these clauses are obvious. To begin with, Senegal has access to
only 15% of its own money each year for national development. In the event that
the 15% is not enough to fund such national developmental projects such as
health centres, polyclinics, hospitals, schools, potable water supply, and
educational facilities, Senegal has to borrow from the French Treasury at
commercial rates even though that money is borrowed from Senegal’s own
reserves. More disheartening is the fact that under this neocolonial
arrangement, there is a ceiling to the level of credit available to the
country. Senegal cannot borrow more than 20% of its own reserve with the French
Treasury. To add insults to injury, the French Treasury each year has the sole
prerogative to invest the reserves in the Treasury’s own name on the Paris
Bourse.
With
regard to the second clause, France has the audacity to dictate uneconomic
prices far below on-going current market prices. The gravity of the terms is
reflected in the fact that even if Senegal could get better prices from other
countries, it cannot proceed to trade with those countries except France
declines to buy those raw materials.
Related
to the above is the first preference clause regarding public tenders and
procurements. This is one of the reasons major levers of the economy are
controlled by French companies and interests.
POLITICAL TENSION IN SENEGAL
Throughout
the year, Senegal has experienced days of violent clashes between civilians,
particularly supporters of the major opposition leader and the security forces.
Hundreds of protesters were reportedly injured and maimed, several others
killed while the police arrested over five hundred people in different cities.
At a point, access to internet was blocked while roadblocks were erected on
major transport routes by security forces.
The
widespread unrest in Senegal was triggered by the criminal conviction of the
leader of PASTEF, Ousmane Sonko. His conviction was perceived by many as
politically motivated and an effort by Macky Sall’s government to derail
Sonko’s candidacy in the 2024 presidential elections since the conviction could
bar him from contesting. A lot of people, including children, were wrongfully
arrested by security authorities, brutalized and tortured. Their arbitrary
arrests gave a glaring indication of repression of the rights of the people to
assembly. In actual fact, the rights of Senegalese people to peacefully
demonstrate and protest were clearly undermined by the government security
apparatus.
On
the flip side of events, all the accusations and subsequent conviction of Sonko
made him gain more popularity, amidst Macky Sall’s dwindling popularity. Hence,
upon speculations of Sall’s intended motive to go for a third term broader
tensions loomed among the general public.
REMOTE FACTORS
Notwithstanding
the immediate factors, political instability in Senegal results from underlying
socio-economic roots. Living conditions have not noticeably improved although,
as at October 2023, the annual rate of inflation is relatively low and had decreased
to 2.4% (from 3.8% in September).[2]
Investments in the extractive sectors as well as infrastructural projects have
unleashed growth in the economy, however, such growth has not been reflected in
the lives and livelihoods of the people. The people of Senegal for over the
year have decried high cost of rent, transportation, electricity tariffs and
fuel prices although the outburst of the people has been an exercise in
futility.
Again, many of the young people do not only
feel disillusioned by the government but also there is a high sentiment of
being socio-economically marginalized amongst them. As such, there is an
increasing sense of hatred among the people, especially the younger generation,
towards a government led by neo-colonial, aging and distant leaders.
To
make matters worse, Macky Sall’s administration has demonstrated efforts to
suppress freedom of expression, curtail the opposition and keep his government
in power instead of directing such efforts towards reviving the economy. The
socio-economic disillusionment has resulted in a gravitation towards Ousmane
Sonko who the people feel could rather build a better economy. Ousmane Sonko
has a record of exposing offshore tax havens exploited by members of the elite
in Senegal. Sonko did this whistleblowing act during his service as tax
inspector and that lanced him into prominence. Then in 2014, he founded the
PASTEF. Subsequently in 2019, Sonko was elected mayor of the southern city of
Ziguinchor. Since then, he has been able to build a strong base in the south of
Senegal and he is still gaining popularity among the youth across the country.
REBEL CONFLICT IN CASAMANCE REGION
There
exists an open conflict between the Senegalese military and the Movement of
Democratic Forces of Casamance (MDFC) in Senegal’s southern Casamance region, a
region with a culture distinct from the rest of Senegal. The rebellion began in
1982 and has been known to be one of the longest recurring separatist revolts
in Africa. In January 2023, different media reports indicated that the clash
between the separatist rebels from the MFDC (Movement of Democratic Forces of
Casamance) and the Senegalese government left 60,000 displaced people, nearly
5,000 victims and hundreds of deaths.
Casamance
region has a population of about 1.5 million. The region lies in a part of
Senegal that is geographically almost totally separated from the rest of the
country by Gambia. In other words, Casamance is far closer to Gambia than the
Senegalese port. The area is almost secluded from the developed hub of Senegal
and so the area has lagged behind in development. Due to these reasons, the
people of Casamance resort more to the black economy which goes a long way to
benefit them. The conflict arising in Casamance is therefore noted to be
fuelled by the trafficking of rosewood logs through Gambia to China. Though the
rosewood specie has been declared extinct in Gambia since the year 2012, the
country still remains one of the lead exporters to China owing to the thriving
smuggling trade. Some environmental activists living in the area have given
reports of rosewood trees cut secretly at night or in the daytime and
transported with fake permits.
Part
Two
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN SENEGAL: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS
Generally,
the political spectrum of Senegal has been highly polarized between the
socialists and the neoliberals for some time now. The Socialist
bloc consist of the centre left Parti Socialiste (PS) founded by Léopold Sédar
Senghor, Parti Démocratique Sénégalais (PDS), And-Jëf/PartiAfricain pour la
démocratie et le socialisme (AND JEF/PADS), PASTEF, Ligue
Démocratique-Mouvement pour le Parti du Travail, Front for Socialism and
Democracy/Benno Jubël, Movement of Leftwing Radicals and FRAPP.
In
2008, there was a split in the PDS when some members of the PDS led by Macky
Sall severed themselves over ideological and policy differences and joined the
neoliberals. Later in 2012, a lot more members belonging to the PDS right and
under the leadership of Abdoulaye Bathily, Mamadou Diop and Djibo Ka joined the
APR further fragmenting and weakening the political left.
The
Liberalist bloc, on the other hand, is under the leadership of Sacky Mall; a
veteran of Senegalese politics. The neoliberalists are a group of political
organisations whose worldview and principles are centred on free trade and
market economy. The bloc is made up of the remnants of Parti Démocratique
Sénégalais (PDS), Alliance pour la République (APR), Alliance des Forces de
Progrès (AFP), Rewmi, JEF JEL, Union for Democratic Renewal (URD), Party for
Unity & Rally (PUR) and National Democratic Rally (RND).
Since
the turn of the century, there has been realignment of the balance of social
and political forces in Senegal. Five major coalitions are now involved in the
contestation for power within Senegal namely Benno Bokk Yakaar, Liberate the
People, Wallu Sénégal, The Servants – MPR and AAR Sénégal.
BENNO BOKK YAKAAR (BBY) COALITION
The
APR has been associated with the “Benno Bokk Yakaar” (BBY) coalition. Parties
forming the BBY Coalition include Macky Sall’s Alliance pour la République
(APR), Alliance des Forces de Progrès (AFP) led by Moustapha Niasse, Parti
Socialiste (PS), Idrissa Seck’s Rewmi and the Bokk Gis Gis founded by Pape
Diop. Key factors working for the coalition include its strong alliance with
France and the maintenance of strong relations it has with the international
community. The latter helps the coalition to garner financial support, both
domestically and internationally.
Though
the BBY coalition has been viewed as a favourite by several pundits, several
issues remain unsettled by the coalition and the situation may stifle its
chances of winning the 24th March presidential election and retain
power. For example, the seething divisions within the ruling BBY coalition over
the nomination of relatively outsider[3],
Amadou Ba, as the party/coalition sole flagbearer appeared not to have been
resolved adequately despite the several interventions from the Côte d’Ivoire
ruler; Alassane Quattara. Other members of the ruling coalition are also
unhappy of their treatment as junior partners and feel strongly about not being
given a fair deal or chance during the selection of a successor to replace
Macky Sall. In spite of the differences and the fact that the coalition/party
has been riven with internal dissensions at the leadership, local branches and
the grassroot membership levels, it is highly possible these unresolved issues
will cost the ruling government the election. Matters on the ground have been
made worse especially with the
presidential camp not seem to be doing much to support Amadou Ba’s campaign.
The foregoing nnotwithstanding, the BBY continues to enjoy the
confidence of the captains of industry, most of the elite and of course French
capital.
LIBERATE THE PEOPLE COALITION
This
is the coalition led by the gaoled Ousmane Sonko. The coalition is made up of
PASTEF[4]
(Patriotes
Africains du Sénégal pour leTravail, l'Ethique et la Fraternité), PUR
(Party for Unity & Rally) a right wing Islamic-based party founded by
Serigne Mouhamad Moustapha Sy, AND (Alliance Nationale pour la Démocratie) led
by Aida Mbodji, MTS (Manko Taxawu Sénégal) led by Khalifa Sall, and Déthié
Fall’s PRP (Parti Républicain pour le Progrès).
At
present, Liberate the People Coalition led by Ousmane Sonko proves to be the
main rival of Macky Sall and his BBY allies. Though Ousmane Sonko is much liked
by the youth as a generational leader, the coalition will have to work harder
in the rural communities and ensure that wave of change which the youth yearn
for results in votes for the coalition’s presidential candidate. One thing working for the coalition is
its messages built around the ideals and values of building a prosperous and
united Senegal. These messages of the central role of the Senegalese State in
socio-economic development, promotion of peace and security have caught up with
the youthful population who have bought into them and may become the game
changer in this presidential election.
The
other factor which will impact this election will relate to how the Casamance
region votes. This is because the region has had a historical and significant
bearing on previous elections. The conflict, which began in the early 1980s,
has had implications for both local and national political discourse in Senegal
especially as it affects voter sentiment and their political choices. It is
well-known that Ousmane Sonko grew up in Casamance and has created a strong
electoral base in the region. Over the years, he has emphasized efforts towards
addressing the conflict in a bid towards promoting peace. For instance, in the
2019 presidential elections, while Macky Sall won the first round of voting
with absolute majority with votes uniformly cast across the country, he rather
won a minority in Casamance (38.72%) even though Mayor Abdoulaye Balde (who was
affiliated to Sall) constructed the Senegambia bridge to provide easier access
to the Casamance region. Sonko, at the time won a large majority in the region
(about 57.25%)[5].
Given
precedent events to the coming elections, it is most probable that Sonko’s
coalition will reap a huge dividend in Casamance as a decider of who wins the
presidency. The Sonko-coalition also enjoys the support of Guy Marius Sagna’s
led Pan-African organization FRAPP (Le Front pour une révolution
anti-impérialiste populaire et panafricaine).
Though FRAPP's statutes do not permit it to take part in elections at
the moment, it currently has a good relation with PASTEF and supports PASTEF’s
political agenda.
Finally, it is clear that Candidate
Bassirou D. Faye would benefit immensely from Sonko’s charisma and popularity.
This places him in a better chance of winning the election in the first round.
Ousmane Sonko himself has predicted a first-round victory for Diomaye should
the elections be conducted void of fraud.
OTHER COALITIONS
Three
other coalitions are taking part in the March 2024 Presidential Elections.
These are Wallu Sénégal, The Servants – MPR, and AAR Sénégal.
Wallu Sénégal
This
coalition led by Abdoulaye Wade of the PDS has lost its potency with the
departure of MTS and Bokk Gig Gis. MTS is now part of Liberate the People
coalition led by Ousmane Sonko while Bokk Gis Gis has gone into alliance with
BBY for the current election. These events have in turn devalued Wallu
Senegal’s electoral influence and fortune in the coming election. The
current members of the coalition are Parti Démocatique Sénégalais (PDS),
Coalition JOTNA – Patriotes pour l’Alternative (JOTNA) and Congrès de la
Renaissance Démocratique CRD).
The Servants-MPR
This
coalition has only one seat in the present legislative assembly after the 2022
elections. It comprises relatively small parties like En Marche pour
la Renaissance (MPR), Les Serviteurs, Mouvement Taxawu Liguey Kat Yi, and
Diorbel D’Abord. The coalition is not expected to make an impact in the
impending election.
AAR Sénégal
The
Alternative for a Rupture Assembly (AAR) was formed in 2022 by Thierno Alassane
Sall who is also the chair of the coalition. Its members
include Republique des Valeurs (RV), Alliance Générationelle pour les intérêts
de la République (AGIR), Ensemble pour le Travail, l’Intégrité et la
Citoyenneté (ETIC), And Wattu Askan wi Ligeeyal Eleg (AWALE) and Mouvement Pour
le Renouveau de l’Espoir et de la Transparence (PRET). This
coalition is also not expected to make an impact.
CONCLUSION
Unfortunately,
Candidate Amadou has been portrayed to the general public as an agent of
continuity of Macky Sall’s policies and pro-French imperialism. Should the BBY
coalition face an uphill task to retain executive power, it could be a
reflection of Macky Sall’s own persona and the ruthless manner he bastardised
various State and civil institutions in the run to the present election.
On
the other hand, Liberate the People’s uncompromising anti-imperialist campaign
messages directed to the electorate in the Wolof language, which promised to do
away with the FCFA and establish a national currency, have resonated well with
the populace and may carry the day. The likelihood for Sonko and his coalition
winning a first-round victory is almost a reality.
In
our own estimation, the current election scheduled to be held on March 24th
is not too close to call to necessitate second round of voting by the
electorate. The ruling coalition/party is more likely to lose this election;
the main pointers were the outcome of the last legislative and mayoral/municipal
elections held in 2022 and 2023. Besides, candidates Idrissa Seck of Rewmi
Party has been put up by the BBY to reduce the votes of Candidate Bassirou D. Faye
in areas where the BBY is weakest. Likewise, Khalifa Sall is expected to do
same for the Sonko-led coalition in the Dakar metropolitan stronghold of the
BBY. All told, the possibility of a clear winner emerging in the first-round is
high unless the forces that be employ the tactics of intimidation, shenanigan
and other underhand dealings to steal the emerging mandate.
REFERENCES
Robin, N.
(2018). The 2019 presidential election in Senegal: Electoral practices between
permanencies, opportunities, and ruptures. Afrique
contemporaine, 267-268, 187-204. https://www.cairn-int.info/journal--2018-3-page-187.htm.
https://www.cadtm.org/Africa-How-France-Continues-to-Dominate-Its-Former-Colonies-in-Africa
Guy Marius Sagna, “Macky Sall: l’homme de la France au Sénégal et en
Afrique’’, Dakar, le 12 février 2018, Ferῇent https://fernent.blog4ever.xyz/macky-sall-lhomme-de-la-france-au-senegal-et-en-afrique
https://www.cadtm.org/How-the-Exploitation-of-Africa-Helps-Fuel-Global-Capitalism
https://journals.openedition.org/cea/6673?lang=en
https://www.rulac.org/browse/conflicts/niac-in-senegal#collapse2accord
https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/wildlife/2020/WWLC20_Chapter_2_Rosewood.pdf
https://www.rainforest-rescue.org/petitions/1202/ghana-hands-off-of-endangered-rosewood#more
https://energycapitalpower.com/senegals-mining-industry-a-cornerstone-of-the-national-economy/
https://energycapitalpower.com/senegals-mining-industry-a-cornerstone-of-the-national-economy/
https://www.bnnbloomberg.ca/senegal-prime-minister-likely-to-win-presidency-eurasia-says-1.2011380
https://www.africanews.com/2023/08/14/senegals-main-opposition-coalition-loses-one-of-its-founding-parties/
Africa
Center for Strategic Studies, Senegal: February 25 (TBD*), January 17, 2024 https://africacenter.org/spotlight/2024-elections/senegal/
[3] Amadou Ba was a last-minute addition to
the party as he came on the scene in 2022 when he was appointed as Prime Minister
by Sall
[4] The
populist Pan-Africanist party is called Les Patriotes du Sénégal or
Patriots of Senegal was founded in
January 2014 by young civil servants from the Senegalese public administration,
the private sector, business people, education and diverse background, who at
the time of formation were known to be novices or have never been in politics.
[5] Robin, N. (2018). The 2019
presidential election in Senegal: Electoral practices between permanencies,
opportunities, and ruptures. Afrique
contemporaine, 267-268, 187-204. https://www.cairn-int.info/journal--2018-3-page-187.htm
[1]
But the election has been rescheduled for 24th March after the Court
directed government to fix a date as soon as possible.
[2] Amadou Ba happens to be a former foreign
and finance minister who was appointed by Sall to the position of Prime
Minister after the BBY coalition lost about 43 seats in the National Assembly.
Although, the position of Prime Minister was abolished in 2019, Macky
reestablished it, with the appointment of Amadou Ba. His appointment as flagbearer
was opposed by some leaders of the ruling BBY coalition who expressed that
Amadou Ba was a last-minute addition to the party.
[3] The populist leader, Ousmane
Sonko, was vociferous and took stances against public corruption and thievery
of the public purse.
[4] In the previous elections, it was reported
that leading opposition candidates including Khalifa Sall and Karim Wade (son
of former President Aboulaye Wade) were barred from running in 2019 due to
criminal allegations levied against them by the government.
[5] Africa Center for Strategic Studies,
Senegal: February 25 (TBD*)
[6] Article 29 of the Constitution of Senegal
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